Concluding Statement by H.E. Dr. M. Javad Zarif

Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the UN

At the 2005 NPT Review Conference,

New York- 27 May 2005

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

Mr. President,

Allow me to begin by placing on record our sincere gratitude to you for the highest standards of diplomatic skill, dedication, transparency and integrity that you demonstrated in the course of the Conference and throughout the preceding year as well as through your distinguished diplomatic career. Let me also associate ourselves with other delegations in expressing our thanks to the chairs of the main committees and subsidiary bodies.

Mr. President,

When in 1995, a consensus was achieved around the principles and objectives governing the indefinite extension of the Treaty, it was based, inter alia, on a solemn undertaking by the nuclear-weapon States to pursue systematic efforts to reduce and eliminate nuclear weapons. The States-Parties were assured that from thereon accountability would become the corner stone of the NPT.

The 2000 Review Conference, in spite of indications to the contrary, was able to take a historic step forward. The thirteen distinct demands from non-nuclear weapon states and unequivocal undertaking by nuclear weapons states mapped the road towards nuclear disarmament. The expectation reasonably drawn was that come the fiftieth anniversary of the Treaty, nuclear weapons and stockpile would only be a part of history.

We were all right to assume the preparatory process would lead step by step to a conclusion here that would serve the principles and objectives of the Treaty and strengthen the drive for elimination of nuclear weapons. 2005 could and should have been a turning point towards a world free from the scourge of nuclear threat.

That the 2005 Conference ended without result despite the sincere efforts and good intentions of you and a great majority of States Parties from all corners of the world is not by itself detrimental. Serious is the intentions and actions rigorously pursued by the presumed remaining super power without the slightest regard for the concerns of the rest of the international community. Policies and practices formulated and pursued by the United States during the last five years clearly indicate what lies ahead if they remain unchecked. Allow me to briefly give a few examples:

1. The United States adopted its “Nuclear Posture Review”, incorporating the breach of the obligations on “irreversibility”, “diminished role of nuclear weapons” and “lowering the operational status of nuclear weapons” by:

- Stressing the essential role of nuclear weapons as an effective tool for achieving security ends and foreign policy objectives;

- Developing new nuclear weapon system, and constructing new facilities for producing nuclear weapons,

- Resuming efforts to develop and deploy tactical nuclear weapons despite the commitment to reverse this process and effectively reduce them;

- Targeting non-nuclear weapon States Parties to the Treaty and planning to attack those States.

2. The Unites States replaced the principle of destruction, perceived as the most fundamental element in the process of nuclear disarmament, with a policy of decommissioning.

3. The United States abrogated the ABM Treaty, recognized by the International Community as the cornerstone of global strategic stability, through its unilateral withdrawal from the Treaty and thus creating a strategic and security gap within the overall global nuclear posture with grave and long term consequences for the whole world.

4. The United States continued the deployment of nuclear forces in other territories raising serious concerns over the command and control of such weapons. Furthermore, integration of such deployments into the military infrastructures of the host states through inter alia training of their pilots to deploy such weapons constitute clear violation of Article I of the Treaty. Preservation of security and safety of such weapons in these territories in the circumstances that non-state actors could have access to the weapons have created a sense of necessity for the host states to consider to request the US to withdraw such forces from their territories.

5. The United States continued to provide nuclear umbrella for non-nuclear weapon States Parties to the Treaty in flagrant violation of Articles I and II of the Treaty by the United States and countries hosting such weaponry.

6. The United States signed an agreement of nuclear cooperation with Israel, whose nuclear arsenal presents the gravest danger to the peace and stability of the Middle East, providing Israeli scientists access to its nuclear facilities, thereby demonstrating its total disregard for its obligations under Article I of the Treaty.

7. The United States rejected the CTBT, not only damaging the prospect of the entry into force of the Treaty, but also undermining the promotion and upholding of the Treaty in international fora.

8. The United States rejected the inclusion of the element of “verifiability” in a future cut-off treaty, thereby breaking a long standing position of the International Community on a consensus over the negotiating mandate in the Conference on Disarmament.

The extremist attitude reflected in these documents and practices seems to have learned no lesson from the nightmare of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. If history is any guide, nuclear arms, Ladies and Gentlemen, are in the most dangerous hands. It is imperative therefore, to move now with a concerted and firm resolve to stop and reverse this fast pace drive. Nuclear weapons should not imply political clout and capability to shape and influence world events. Holding on and expanding nuclear arsenal should be condemned rather than condoned or tolerated. Any increase in nuclear capability should equal a reduction in political credibility. The abysmal record, achieved unilaterally by the United States in the short span of five years, testifies to a mentality which seeks solutions solely through demonstration of power. It is no wonder that the US tried to create smokescreens in this Conference to deflect attention from its abysmal record.

Mr. President,

The NPT remains the cornerstone of nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and the ability to develop and pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The United States wished for this representative body encompassing all parties to the Treaty to fail so that it could pursue its own unilateral initiatives and priorities through other more exclusive bodies and groups. That we should not allow. We have two years to put our view and thoughts back together, form them into a collective approach, re-enforce the 1995 and 2000 achievements and ensure they move forward despite all obstructionist moves.

Mr. President

We need to take stock the challenges here to hopefully move for a real success in 2010. We as the States Parties need quickly to get together in formal and informal discussions with the fullest engagement of disarmament NGOs who represent the conscience of the International Community to re-emphasize and re-invigorate the ways and means to achieve the objectives of the Treaty through the vigorous pursuit of decisions and resolution of the 1995 and 2000 Review Conferences.

The three pillars of the Treaty, nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and ability to pursue peaceful use of nuclear energy are intertwined. They need to be followed together without diminishing the significance and effectiveness of any one pillar against the others. Above all we need:

● to ensure full universality of the Treaty without a single exception,

● to reject any perception and policy anywhere in the world which puts nuclear weapons as a means of achieving individual and collective security,

● to strengthen our collective and coordinated efforts to check proliferation by anyone and strictly prevent the spread of nuclear weapons,

● to improve the safeguards and support the IAEA in utilizing the advances in technology for better and more effective supervision of nuclear activities and enhancing its ability to provide credible guarantees against proliferation,

● to emphasize on security assurances for non-nuclear weapon States and thereby removing the concerns of nuclear threats,

● to enable states Parties to exercise their full rights for developing and producing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes under appropriate international monitoring and supervision.

Mr. President,

Allow me to conclude by emphasizing that the NPT must be preserved and strengthened. Its longevity must be guaranteed. No consideration is worth undermining the Treaty. Iran is committed to the NPT and the non-proliferation regime and will spare no effort in this regard.