Statement by

H. E. Dr. Javad Zarif

Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran

before the Security Council

on “the situation between Iraq and Kuwait”

New York, 16 October 2002

…………………………………

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

Mr. President;

I thank you for responding positively to the request of the Non-Aligned Movement and convening this meeting in the face of the enormous tragedy that seems to be in the making.

Mr. President;

The fundamental question we should premise our debate upon is whether we need to persevere in upholding the rule of law at the international level and pursue the compliance of Iraq within the perimeters of international law or whether we may afford to give a free hand to those whose possible actions would result in undermining international law in exchange for short-sighted gains or whatever other reasons, plausible or otherwise.

We believe that all states have a clear interest, as well as a clear responsibility, to defend the integrity of international law and order. Thus, any arbitrary unilateral approach outside international law, which may endanger the fragile international security system and set a destructive precedent with far-reaching consequences, should be resisted. Taking on Iraq unilaterally and outside international law would amount to short-sighted actions that may resolve a part of the problem, but will undoubtedly shake the foundations of the international security system predicated on the rule of law.

Here, I specifically refer to concepts, such as regime change and preemptive strike, which are fully alien to and in conflict with international law. The former runs counter to peoples’ right to self-determination, denying in this context the Iraqis’ right to decide who should rule them. And the latter distorts, inter alia, the conventional understanding of the term “self-defense” as clearly enshrined in customary international law and codified in the UN Charter. We caution each and every member of this august Council against any decision that may be interpreted in a way or another as underwriting, promoting or endorsing the unprecedented and erroneous concepts such as those I referred to earlier.

On the other hand, and in view of the recent developments and unpleasant experience in the 90’s, the onus now rests on the Iraqi Government to efface every doubt about its intention to allow unfettered weapons inspections everywhere in the country. We call upon Iraq to take every necessary step to avert catastrophe for the sake of its own people, all peoples in the region and international peace and the rule of law.

My country, as the one who suffered enormously in the 80’s as a result of the use of chemical weapons against its servicemen and civilians, attaches particular importance to the wiping out of weapons of mass destruction in the entire region. It is the basis on which rests my Government’s steady call for the full implementation of the Security Council resolutions on the disarmament of Iraq.

The decision by the Iraqi Government to allow the return of the UN weapons inspectors, which was welcomed by the international community, including my Government, was a necessary step in the right direction. This decision should now avert the cursory resort to military means and provide an opportunity for diplomacy to work. It further should open the way for full implementation of all Security Council resolutions on Iraq, including those on the release of POWs, and the cessation of harboring of terrorists leading to the lifting of sanctions, which the international community, including my country, has steadily sought. The diplomatic overture, thus presented, should find opportunity to be fully explored and exhausted, and any other measure would have to be contemplated only by this Council should the diplomatic path prove fruitless.

Mr. President;

The United Nations should be given the opportunity and should be empowered to effectively and in a timely manner address this crisis. Any alternative to this approach would be susceptible to add to uncertainty and bring about long-term instability in the region—a region already plagued with endemic problems.

The United Nation, as the universal organization assigned with the task of maintaining international peace and security, is legally competent and inherently capable of resolving the current crisis, which originated from actions taken by the Iraqi leadership in the 1980’s and 1990’s. We believe that appropriate international mechanisms and relevant Security Council resolutions provide necessary legal basis for international actions aimed at making sure that Iraq would cease to pose a threat to regional stability and the security of its neighbors.

Moreover, the Council is in a position to adopt new and realistic procedures it may deem necessary for ensuring the smooth and complete implementation of the disarmament process. My delegation also believes that the unity in the Council in the face of the crisis is of great importance for reaching a viable and lasting solution.

Undoubtedly, the unified will of the international community that may find sooner or later its pronouncement through this Council would be the best guarantee for the proper completion of this process. Therefore, any consideration given to unilateral action may only arouse further suspicion on the possible existence of a hidden agenda beyond the disarmament of Iraq, thus further charging and complicating the situation in the Middle East.

Mr. President,

Attacking Iraq and the enormous suffering that predictably the Iraqi people would be subject to, will inevitably fuel further resentment everywhere — not just in Iraq. It will sow seeds of new hatred that will feed instability for years to come. This dangerous situation is further exacerbated by the immunity and impunity that Israel has been guaranteed despite its actual commission of the very same if not more serious acts that Iraq has been accused of: non-compliance with and even outright rejection of numerous Security Council resolutions; pursuit and even possession of weapons of mass destruction including nuclear weapons; practices and even a declared policy of state terrorism, to name a few.

Those ideologues, whose intimate relations with Israel is a matter of public record and who seek to further their own aims and remake the world in their own peculiar image should understand beforehand that they, and they alone, would be responsible for any eventual averse consequences.

We believe that the hassle-free entry of the weapons inspectors into Iraqi territory and the commencement of their work as soon as possible would be the next essential step, which may help quench war drumbeats. Ultimately, the final, peaceful resolution of this crisis would enhance the rule of law at the international level, and demonstrates the ability of the United Nations and the multilateral diplomacy in defusing disputes and crisis situations. Undoubtedly, such an outcome, coupled with a real commitment by the Iraqi Government to live in peace with its neighbors, will greatly serve the cause of peace and stability in our region.

In closing, Mr. President, allow me to quote Secretary-General Kofi Annan who, opening the general debate of the fifty-seventh session of the General Assembly, wisely set the tone by strongly reaffirming the “indispensable necessity and enduring relevance of multilateralism and multilateral institutions in efforts to maintain international peace, security and freedom for all.” He further reiterated that “[e]very government that is committed to the rule of law at home must be committed also to the rule of law abroad”.

Thank you Mr. President