We live in dangerous times. Dangers to the entire humanity have seldom been grater. Violence, in the form of war and terrorism is depriving scores of human beings of their most basic rights, the right to life and security.

But we also live in interesting times. Extremists on both sides are apparently fighting one another. But in fact they are reinforcing each other. Because what joins them is far more fundamental than what separates them. Read their statements. Listen to their comments. Watch their actions.

The leaders of al-Qaeda are saying, don’t bother with demonstrations and conferences. It is the language of violence and blood that the “enemy” understands.

The extremists on the other side are saying: don’t bother with an irrelevant international law, a boneless United Nations, and endless Security Council resolutions. It is our military might and the threat of force, and when necessary its actual use, that will bring the rogues to their knees.

You can easily detect the common themes of magnification of an “enemy” and dissemination of hatred for that enemy, glorification of power and might, and disregard for the rule of law and international public opinion.

During the war against Iraq, these themes were often magnified by some media on all sides, inadvertently further entrenching these tendencies. Phobias of various types are on the rise and demagogues on all sides are busy taking advantage.

We need to reverse this trend. In spite of all the odds, we have a realistic chance to do just that. Let me deal with my region, the Persian Gulf, which in the space of just about 2 decades has been the scene of three devastating wars, the latest of which seems to be far from over.

In the wake of the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime, we in the region and the people in Iraq, both, stand at a historic turning point. The ouster of Saddam from power has given rise to new opportunities and new challenges. The endemic problems that have plagued the region for so many decades could now be revisited and reviewed in the new light. And the actions on our part as well as on the part of non-regional powers that may ensue will determine whether the dramatic change we undergo would be for the better or for the worse.

While the old paradigm of force projection and imposition has only given rise to conflict, arms race, dictatorship and extremism, the security arrangement we hope for in the Persian Gulf region is to be built on the principles of peace, stability, moderation and all-inclusiveness.

The Iranian people suffered the most from the old prevailing paradigm in the region. The devastating effects of the invasion of Iran by the Saddam’s regime, followed by a prolonged war and the use of chemical weapons by his army as well as protracted instability in Afghanistan and its fallouts, including terrorism, drug-trafficking, and influx of refugees, gave rise to a genuine national consensus in Iran on rejecting violence and building confidence with neighbors.

Iran as a country that maintains no territorial claim to any neighbor and respects all border agreements and never invaded any neighboring country in the past two and half centuries has always pursued a process aimed at establishing an indigenously based and internationally guaranteed regional security arrangements under the UN auspices to spare our region from further bloodshed. Such an international guarantee, which could be provided as a result of a partnership between the regional States and the United Nations, may serve as an insurance policy for the success of a security arrangement in the region.

Arms race and extremism are among a host of issues that we need to address, should we aspire to bring about a new era in the region.

It is clearly in the interest of Iran, as the largest and the most populous country in the region, to discourage a renewed arms race in the region, which is counterproductive and obviously contrary to Iran's security interests. With a young and growing population, Iran obviously needs to direct its resources toward ensuring the wellbeing of its population. As a country whose oil and gas reserves are fast depleting and its domestic energy consumption rapidly increasing, leaving almost no oil to export in about two decades, Iran needs developing diversified sources of energy. Thus, while we have forgone the nuclear weapons option by acceding to almost all international disarmament treaties and the IAEA safeguards, we have no choice but to continue the peaceful nuclear energy program, which started before the Islamic revolution in the mid-70’s.

Moreover, extremism, which is on the rise in the region, has been as much a threat to Iran as it is to the whole region and the West. Taliban and their al-Qaeda masters murdered Iranians inside Iran and in Afghanistan long before September 11. And Iran almost went to war with the Taliban. For the past 14 months, we have vigorously pursued a costly campaign against Al-Qaeda by strengthening security of our Eastern borders and border areas, arresting, interrogating, expelling, extraditing, prosecuting and jailing suspicious elements infiltrating our territory. Despite the noise from extremists in Washington, whose dangerous agenda is a source of alarm for people inside the United States and throughout the world, this policy is a matter of national security consensus. It has never ceased, nor has it been adopted or more vigorously implemented in response to pressure and bullying. It is in fact the language of pressure and intimidation, which is a hallmark of the extremists of all sides, that is the problem. If anything, it is this language that is preventing further cooperation.

Furthermore, while we have a high stake in defeating extremism, we believe that the campaign against terrorism and extremism should not be waged in ways to create more fertile breeding ground and recruiting opportunity for terrorists and extremists.

It is unfortunate that one of the root causes of terrorism is a lack justice and participatory politics in parts of the Middle East. Our region needs reform, democracy, respect for the rule of law and human rights. However, they should be homegrown and not imported and imposed from abroad and certainly not at gun point.

As to the developments inside Iraq, we all need to help the Iraqis build a peaceful and democratic system. It is in Iran’s interest to see Iraq stabilize swiftly. Thus, while we cannot but worry about the tinkering with the Iraqi complicated and intricate society, we are prepared to contribute to any process that encourages and guarantees a democratic, inclusive and representative government in Baghdad.

The success of such a process requires a neutral and trusted body to be at its helm. Thus, the UN should play a substantive role in bringing the political process in Iraq to its fruition.

Let me conclude by emphasizing that the proper response to the growing and mutually reinforcing extremism on all sides is a coalition for peace and dialogue by those who believe in rationality and moderation. The global public opinion demands this. And I believe all of us, particularly those in the media with their global access, have a historic responsibility to promote understanding, tolerance and mutual respect.